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Thus the generation of the democratic philosopher, and the comingto-be of a subaltern group into a popular hegemonic force, demand the "political development of the concept of hegemony," which is equivalent—in opposition to the Crocean notion of the "corrupt philosophy"—to "a great philosophical advance as well as a political-practical one. " It is this totality constituted by the interacting moments of thought and action, philosophy and politics, that describes the Gramscian concept of hegemony.

Thus Gramsci gives a new meaning to the original Crocean polarities, and assigns a new cultural and political value to each pole of the dyad. 25 As Gramsci puts it: While the progressive movement in Italy after 1000 was closely linked to the Communes, it was precisely in Italy that such a movement petered out—and 43 Renaissance and Reformation 44 that the Communes degenerated was due precisely to humanism and to the Renaissance. Whereas, in the rest of Europe, the general movement culminated in the emergence and rise of the national states, which was followed by the world expansion of Spain, France, England, and Portugal.

36 To the extent that action is purposive and directed toward an end that is anticipated but not yet in existence, such action presupposes and embodies "in concretezza" philosophy and thought. Furthermore, to the extent that what is anticipated and made purposive by thought and philosophy is not yet a reality—to the extent that what ought to be has not yet been transformed into what is—then philos- 23 Croce and Gramsci: From Philosophy to Politics 24 ophy, in order to become realta effettuale, in order to "creare il reals" ("create reality")37 must translate itself into action and become politica.

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